Last week the Italian Water Movements Forum (Forum)
celebrated the anniversary of the victory
in the 2011 referenda against water privatisation by giving great emphasis
to news coming from Chile: the halt by the Chilean government to the Hydro Aysen hydropower project.
The project consists of five big dams to be built along two rivers in the Patagonia
region by an international consortium led by the Italian government owned company
Enel. This emphasis on foreign policy issues does not arise from the fact that
in contemporary Italy there has been nothing to celebrate after and beyond the
2011 referendum. On the contrary “la
lotta continua” and is still very active both at national and local level,
with the struggle for “water as human right and commons” becoming a
paradigmatic battle for democracy and against the commodification of human
life, inspiring also other social mobilisations around the commons. In this
guest post, Emanuele Fantini
discusses the struggles of the Italian water movement with a particular
emphasis on the role played by Catholic groups.
The attention paid to the struggle against big
dams in Chile indicates two characteristics of the Italian water movement. First, its cosmopolitan dimension and the
capacity to act at different scales, holding together global water issues and
local struggles. This peculiarity of the Italian water movement cannot be
easily found within other social mobilisations in contemporary Italy. Second, the
active role that Catholic groups, individuals and organisations, have been
playing within the Italian water movement. In fact the struggle in Chile was
brought to the attention of the Italian water movement and of the broader public
during the 2011 referendum campaign by Luis Infanti de la Mora, Bishop
of Aysen (with Italian origins). These two issues are closely related because
the Catholic groups active within the Italian water movement have been among
those more concerned with the international dimension of the mobilisation.
I have recently analysed the role and
contribution of Catholics within the Italian water movement in the article
“Catholics in the making of the Italian water movement. A moral economy”,
published in the open access journal Partecipazione e
conflitto. The Open Journal of Sociopolitical studies and freely
downloadable here.
In this post, I would like to recall two aspects of this commitment that allows
to highlight two main features of the whole Italian water movement: 1) the multiple
meanings of the notion of “water as a commons”, facilitating a vast social
coalition with heterogeneous political backgrounds within the Italian Water Movements
Forum, as well as expressing a plurality of political grievances and meanings
associated with water; 2) the inclusiveness of the water mobilisation in Italy and
the capacity by the Forum to promote new political allegiances and identities,
rather than simply summing up already existing political actors and groups.
The Forum articulated its struggle against the
privatisation of water services around the notion of “water as a human right
and commons” and translated the issue into an inherent question of democracy,
as affirmed in the Forum’s motto “You write it water, you read it democracy”.
As Chiara Carrozza and I have shown in the book we edited on the Italian water
movement – available here
in open access – the notion of the commons might entail a plurality of
meanings. At least three different approaches to the notion of “water as a commons”
coexist and overlap within the Italian water movement: i) the cosmopolitan
approach of “water as a common good of humankind”, highlighting the global
dimension of water issues and promoting the participation in transnational
networks against water privatisation as well as the implementation of
international solidarity projects; ii) the local approach of “water as a
commons of the territory”, emphasising the local and civic dimension of the
struggle, (re)inventing local identities and (re)discovering the local
territory, advocating for water services governance and management by municipal
actors rather than regional multi-utilities companies, national bodies or
transnational companies; and iii) the radical approach of “water as a commons
beyond the public and the private, beyond the state and the market” that
entails a sharp criticism of representative democracy institutions and explores
new patterns of citizens’ direct political participation in the governance and
management of local services.
All these three different approaches to “water as
a commons” resonate with the Catholic Social Doctrine (CSD) message on water
management and the promotion of the common good. The acknowledgment of water as
a human right and commons has been explicitly included in the CSD, affirming
that “as God’s gift, water is a vital element, essential for survival and
therefore a universal right; water resources and its uses should be oriented to
the satisfaction of everybody’s needs and in particular to the need of people
living in poverty”. Moreover, CSD recalls that “given its nature, water cannot
be treated as a mere commodity among others and its use should be rational and
fair” and that “the right to water, like all human rights, stems from human
dignity and not from a mere quantitative evaluation considering water only as
an economic good. Without water life is endangered. Therefore, the right to
water is universal and indefeasible”. The management of water should be
inspired by the principles of fairness, sustainability, international
cooperation, and poverty alleviation. The different approaches to the commons
by the Italian water movement find relevant correspondence in the principles of
universality, subsidiarity and solidarity that CSD associates with the notion
of common good.
The most exhaustive formulation of these
positions is the one by the Pontifical Council for Justice and peace which last
year published the book “Water.
An essential element for life”. The Pope and the Italian bishops have
reaffirmed these positions in several official statements.
The correspondence between the Italian water
movement frame and CSD facilitated the mobilisation of Catholic groups, particularly
during the referendum. Catholics have been involved since the very beginning in
the Italian water movement at the end of the 1990s. The international roots of
the mobilisation defined the profile of Catholic actors and organisations.
These actors belong to the group – a relative minority within the broader
Catholic constellation - of individuals and associations inspired by Christian
pacifism and internationalism: faith based development NGOs belonging to
FOCSIV-Volontari nel mondo (the Christian Federation of Italian Development
NGOs), alter-globalisation groups encompassing Catholic activists such as Rete
di Lilliput, pacifist associations such as Pax Christi and missionaries like
Alex Zanotelli. Catholic participation in the mobilisation widened during the
2011 referenda. Groups like ACLI (Christian Workers Association) or “Beati i
costruttori di pace” (Christian pacifist group) joined the Referendum Promoting
Committee. Others like AGESCI (Catholic Scouts Association) or the Jesuit
Social Network gave official, external support. Additional support came through
the adhesion of the Conference of the Missionary Institutes and the Dioceses
Network on Sustainability, as well as from several dioceses and parishes.
These groups’ commitment shares several
features with the whole water movement. First the spontaneous and bottom-up
nature: Catholics’ participation in the water mobilisation has not been
promoted and orchestrated by the Church hierarchy, as it was for instance the
case during the 2005 referenda on assisted fertilization. Rather, Catholic
activism has been the result of local groups’ and individual believers’
interests and commitment. Second, Catholics’ presence in the mobilisation has
been mimetic. Catholic identity influenced little the whole movement’s identity
and its repertoires of contention. While significant in terms of individual
biographies of Catholic militants, the participation in the water mobilisation
fell short of reorienting the way dominant Catholic groups conceive their civic
and political commitment. Third, the ecumenical character of the mobilisation
for public water offered the opportunity for many people to get involved in
politics - for the first time or as a renewal of past commitment - on a “noble”
theme, perceived as being above partisan and short-term interests. Thus, for
several Catholic believers and organisations, the water mobilisation offered
the space to combine the affirmation of principles and identities with co-operation
and relationships with actors from different backgrounds.
The spontaneous and mimetic character of the
Catholics’ commitment within the Italian water movement inevitably implies a
certain degree of fragmentation and, therefore, the difficulty to assess the
scope and the specificity of their contribution. For sure, Catholics have been
particularly keen in emphasising the moral, symbolic and cultural aspects of
the contention, consolidating a broad and popular consensus over the principles
of social justice and universality that should inspire water management. The
emphasis on the moral aspects has been considered a key factor in ensuring wide
identification with the water movement and adhesion to the mobilisation,
particularly during the referenda, as shown by social psychologists Davide Mazzoni
and Elvira Cicognani.
Thus rather than awakening traditional religious
and political allegiances, the Italian water movement constitutes an original
experience – also by virtue of the very nature of water – in which a plurality
of political backgrounds cohabit and gave birth to a new political identity -
the “water people” - and patterns of participation - “the commons movement”.
These are relatively new developments within the Italian water movement that
deserve further enquiry.
Emanuele Fantini (emanuele.fantini@gmail.com)
is research fellow at the University of Turin, Department of Cultures, Politics
and Society. His research interests focus on the political sociology of water
management and water movements, the processes of state formation in Africa with
particular focus on Ethiopia, and the role of universities and research within
development cooperation programs. He has been working with the Italian Ministry
of Foreign Affairs, the United Nations and different Italian NGOs in Ethiopia,
Morocco, South-Sudan, Serbia and Italy.
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