With Brexit on the horizon, the UK is
currently in search for alternative trade agreements, not only with European
countries, but also other economies around the world. The emerging market of
China plays a key role in this strategy. In this blog post, I will assess the
potential and implications of future UK – China relations.
Photo by Sergeant Paul Shaw LBIPP/MOD |
China
as hope project
Ngai-Ling
Sum and Bob Jessop (2013: 440-51) have undertaken a detailed study of the
discourses underlying the rise of the so-called BRICS, i.e. Brazil, Russia,
India, China and South Africa, in the global economy. Interestingly, they
reveal that the hype about the rise of the BRICS has been a creation by
economists from Goldman Sachs. Sum and Jessop identify three key moments of this hope
project of the BRICS.
First, in the early 2000s the BRICS were
identified as an excellent location for investment. With large amounts of
private capital circulating in the global financial markets in desperate search
for profitable investment opportunities, this was welcome news and resulted in
large financial flows pouring into the BRICS. Against the background of flagging
demand levels from 2004 onwards then, the BRICS hope project entered its second
phase. Now the BRICS were branded as excellent places for exporting consumption
goods as a result of rising middle classes with money to spend on luxury items.
Finally, against the background of the global financial crisis in 2007/2008,
the BRICS were then declared to be important lenders in times of financial
crisis. In other words, highly indebted European and North American countries
were hoping for investment from the BRICS to revive their financial fortunes.
Analysing reports from
the recent high-level UK-China talks, which took place on 10 November 2016, it
becomes apparent how the UK is now engaged in creating its own China as a hope
project against the background of economic losses resulting from Brexit. As
reported by the BBC, ‘Mr Hammond, [the Chancellor] said it was important for
the UK to tap into the Chinese market, with the country's middle class
population expected to reach 600 million in the next few years’ (BBC,
10 November 2016). The parallel to the BRICS as a hope project is visible.
Lack of demand at home and in Europe is supposed to be made up for with
additional demand in China.
Similarly, the following statement confirms the idea
of China as a hope project, as a location for outward investment as well as a source
for inward investment. ‘As the meeting took place in London's Lancaster House,
it was announced that the Chinese contractor CITIC Construction would invest
£200m in the first phase of the £1.7bn London Royal Albert Docks project,
headed by the Chinese developer ABP. And the UK will in turn invest up to £40m
in the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank based in Beijing, for a fund to
help developing countries to prepare infrastructure programmes’ (BBC, 10 November 2016).
Nevertheless, as in relation to the BRICS as a hope project, it is questionable whether there is actually real substance to these expectations or whether they are not merely wishful thinking. After initially weathering the storm of the global crisis, China too has entered a period of difficulties. With demand levels in Europe and North America, China’s most important export markets, in decline, economic growth rates are no longer so impressive. And there is no clear way out of these difficulties. On the one hand, as Jane Hardy has outlined, China wants to make up for lack of demand elsewhere by increasing domestic demand levels. In order to do so, however, this would imply an increase in workers’ wages and this, in turn, could imply that Chinese cheap labour production units, which are the most successful part of the Chinese economy, are priced out of global markets. There are first signs that some parts of labour-intensive production are being moved to countries with even lower labour costs such as Vietnam or Cambodia. To cut a long story short, China is unlikely to fulfill the expectations of the hope project.
What type of
investment?
There have been instances of inward Chinese investment
in the UK, which seem to confirm the China as a hope project expectations.
Nevertheless, it is also important to assess the quality of this investment and
here in particular the particular industrial sector. I will focus on two
examples the water and nuclear energy sectors.
I delivered this presentation at Nottingham University, 24 Nov 2017, Photo by Sarah Dauncey |
Looking into the privatised water industry in more detail, however, the benefits for the British economy and people are highly doubtful, not because the investment is from China, but because of the nature of the privatised water sector in the UK. As Aditya Chakrabortty established for the period of 2007 to 2012, ‘in three of those five years, investors took more dividends out of the business [Thames Water] than it raised in profits after tax. Bung in interim payments, and there was only one year in which the consortium of shareholders took less out of the company than it had in post-tax profits. What replaced the profits? In a word: debt, which more than doubled to £7.8bn in that period’ (The Guardian, 15 June 2014). Chinese investment will simply participate in this profit racket.
Potentially even more
dubious is Chinese investment in nuclear energy. In September this year, the UK
government approved Hinkley Point C, a new nuclear energy plant, saying it had
imposed "significant new safeguards" to protect national security. State-owned
firm China General Nuclear Power Group, or CGN, will pay about a third of the
cost of Hinkley. Under its agreement with EDF, it will also have a stake in a new
plant at Sizewell in Suffolk (BBC, 29 September 2016).
For China, this
investment is interesting as it allows them to demonstrate their technological
ability to build this kind of power plants. The fact, however, that they come
to the UK is only because in many other European countries such as Germany it
has been decided to get out of nuclear energy, considering the long-term risks
involved. In fact, any construction of a new nuclear energy plant in the UK
will be heavily contested and it is fortunately not clear yet whether this
power station will ever be built. Again, the benefits for the British people
from this Chinese investment are highly doubtful.
Going
beyond a state-centric view
With benefits for the wider UK public in
doubt, it becomes important to go beyond a state-centric view, when assessing
the potential benefits of UK – China relations. In a recently published special
issue on Chinese labour in the global economy, my colleague Chun-Yi Lee and
I have brought together a range of articles which confirm that Chinese workers
labour under conditions of super-exploitation in sweatshops producing for
export. Chinese workers for one do not benefit from the UK – China relations.
British workers too have suffered attacks
on pensions, pay and trade union rights in recent years. They have also
experienced a dramatic increase in precarious working conditions reflected in the
proliferation of zero-hour contracts. Here too, it is highly doubtful to what
extent and in what way workers will benefit from UK – China relations.
Ultimately, the danger is that capital
will always organise situations in its own interests. The recent deal between
the UK government and car manufacturer Nissan demonstrates, how especially big
companies can ensure that they will not suffer any potentially negative
consequence of Brexit (BBC,
28 October 2016). The real worry is that workers are going to lose out in the
further development of post-Brexit UK – China relations. British
workers will ultimately pay for the bill left by Brexit, as they have done for
the bill related to the global financial crisis.
Andreas Bieler
Professor of Political Economy
University of Nottingham/UK
Andreas.Bieler@nottingham.ac.uk
Personal website: http://andreasbieler.net
30 November 2016
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