Photo by Jason Taellious |
Paradoxically,
more food is being produced than ever, and the burden of hunger is tragically
placed in developing countries. In this guest post, Angus Macleod analyses whether this crisis, and general
malnourishment in the developing world, can be considered a result of the trade
liberalisation policies which dominate global economics, and if so, how viable food
sovereignty, the main alternative to this system, can be.
Feeding the
world
Since
the 1980s, neoliberalism and the principle of comparative advantage have
largely guided global trade and the policies of global economic institutions
and policy making bodies such as the World Trade Organisation (WTO). It has
commonly been accepted that the extension of free trade, through the reduction
of supposed barriers to trade such as import quotas and tariff barriers, will
lead to an efficient flow of goods the world over. Countries can produce, and
then consume and export the commodities or foodstuffs which they produce most
efficiently, importing whatever which they produce less efficiently, from
countries who specialise in those goods.
Photo by Global Justice Now |
However this global “consensus” is being brought into question. The theory that food security is best provided through a smooth functioning market has been severely damaged by the reality of economic meltdown and a food price crisis. Rather than provide food security for all, critics of free trade argue that the removal of trade barriers merely opens up the food producers of the Global South to competition from large northern producers. This, they argue, leads to the destruction of domestic food industries due to their inability to compete with these northern producers. In turn, a reliance on northern food is fostered which, in the event of an economic downturn, has disastrous consequences for food security in the Global South who have had their capacity to produce their own food destroyed.
Trade
liberalisation in the Philippines
At
first glance, a study of Filipino food security trends since the introduction
of trade liberalisation appears to show that free trade has been a notable
success. One of the guinea pigs of structural adjustment in the 1980s, the
Philippines has witnessed a decline in the number of undernourished people running
concurrently with the implementation of trade liberalisation. The number of
undernourished people declined sharply with the Ramos administration reducing
tariffs and committing to free trade through the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA)
to an all-time low of 12 million from 2008 to 2010. It would appear that the
opening up of the Filipino economy to foodstuffs from other nations has, as the
neoliberal logic predicts, allowed them to focus their economy on producing the
goods which can enable their economy to grow, while using the profits to import
food from more efficient producers.
Photo by Global Justice Now |
However
these statistics, while encouraging, do not tell the whole story. The reliance
the Philippines now has on the global market, shown clearly by the
transformation of the nation from a net food exporter to the largest importer
of rice in the world, is all well and good in times of prosperity, but is
unreliable. When global food prices began to rise in 2007 the government
attempted to buy 500,000 tonnes of rice on the open market, and when no
supplier responded, they tried to buy 650,000 tonnes one month later, sending
prices to over $900 a ton. This perhaps contributed to a subsequent rise in the
numbers of those undernourished after decades of decline; from 12.7 million
between 2010 and 2012, to 13.7 million between 2014 and 2016. The situation in
the Philippines is not a dire one, but when it is considered that its more
interventionist anti-trade liberalisation neighbours, China and Vietnam, have
higher levels of food security, with only 9.3 per cent and 11 per cent of their
respective populations undernourished, compared with 13.7 per cent in the
Philippines, the assertion that food security is best provided through the free
market is shown to be lacking in substance.
Along
with the risks that exposure to the conditions of the global market has for
food security, it also impacts on the livelihoods of millions of agricultural
workers. The way Global North producers have undercut Filipino agricultural
workers has led to the destruction of their livelihood, and a subsequent de-peasantisation
of the nation. The shrinking agriculture sector has caused a fall in household
income share from 80 per cent of national income in 1982, to 66.9 per cent in
1999, while corporate income share has risen. From this, 19 per cent of the
population now live beneath the national poverty line of $1.25 per day. The
relative food security of the Philippines means liberalisation cannot be
considered a disaster, but a closer look at its consequences means it would be
difficult to describe it as a success.
Trade liberalisation
in Sub Saharan Africa
An
analysis of Sub Saharan Africa tells a more tragic tale. Just as in the
Philippines, trade liberalisation has led to a vulnerability caused by an
over-reliance on the global market, and has destroyed the livelihoods of many
who relied upon an agrarian way of life. However here it has had far more
severe consequences.
Photo by Global Justice Now |
Perhaps
no country is better able to demonstrate this tragedy than Kenya. In the 1950s
and 1960s, state run subsidy programmes and tariffs to keep out cheap foreign
grain meant maize yields increased at a higher rate than in the United States.
A subsequent liberalisation of the Kenyan economy with the removal of these
tariffs changed things, with Kenyan land devoted almost entirely to the high
value horticulture sector. Forty per cent of Kenyan children work on
plantations which export pineapple, coffee, tea and sugar to European markets,
while anywhere from four million to eight million Kenyans face starvation every
year. This truly perverse statistic is a result of the huge instability caused
by this system. If these high value goods were to be rejected by buyers from
the Global North, then Kenya would not have the income to purchase the food to
feed its population, a population which could previously feed itself.
This is a damning indictment of trade liberalisation, for not only does it appear that liberalisation and the dominance of the free market has not brought food security, but it has had an adverse effect, not just in Kenya but across Sub-Saharan Africa.
Food sovereignty
– An alternative
Clearly
policies of trade liberalisation, while theoretically sound, leave much to be
desired. We are not without alternatives, though, and attempts at creating food
sovereignty in certain parts of the developing world have been found to have
more success in feeding people. Food sovereignty is a movement which
prioritises smallholder farming over industrial methods, and pledges to resist
the global corporate industrialised food system and protect these farmers while
enabling them to produce ecologically sustainable foodstuffs. While it has widely
been assumed that smallholder farming has inferior productive potential when
compared to industrial methods, this is not the case. Smaller farmers only use
30 per cent of the world’s resources, yet some estimate that they provide 70
per cent of its food. Food sovereignty is not a widely used way of organising
food production, but where it has been used, in some areas of South Africa
which have been left behind by industrialisation like in the Ivory Park or the
Tsakane townships, communities have taken control of their food supply, and
many have been able to make a living while feeding their communities.
Photo by Global Justice Now |
Of
course we should not turn entirely away from cross-border trade, which gives
nations the potential to pass on their technological advances to help other
countries across the world. However a system which protects domestic
agriculture industries, while empowering those who work in them, particularly
smallholders, has the potential to feed the world, far more so than policies of
trade liberalisation.
Angus Macleod has successfully completed his BA in the School
of Politics and International Relations at the University of Nottingham in July
2017. His dissertation on Feed the world: Can trade liberalisation help to achieve global food security received a first class
mark.
No comments:
Post a Comment
Comments welcome!