Burgmann’s
positive assessment of labour movements’ resistance to capitalist exploitation around
the world is driven by an autonomist Marxist perspective, privileging the
agency of workers over capital as well as structural constraints. ‘Autonomism
reverses the relationship between capital and labour that emerges in economic
determinist Marxism, explicitly refusing to emphasize the dominance of capital
and its accumulative logic as the unilateral force shaping the world’ (P.18).
Instead of capital’s innovative dynamic, it is labour’s refusal to work which
forces capital to establish new production relations. In short, it is the power
of labour, which underpins capitalist development with capital being constantly
on the defensive.
Transnational
production depends on the smooth flow of good across borders in order to fulfil
the tight schedule of just in time production systems. Hence, German employers
in the 1990s ‘were more dependent than ever on stable relations with labour at
the plant level and more vulnerable to overt industrial strife’ (P.36).
Transnational organisation of production, rather than being a source of
structural power for capital, becomes a weakness. Another example is the
situation of precarious workers. Burgmann points out how this group of workers,
often perceived to be the weakest of the weak, have found a new voice in
collective struggle. They ‘are often fighting against their circumstances by
establishing new unions, sometimes of an anarcho-syndicalist bent’ (P.165).
This
is an important message, providing hope where there is often resignation. And
yet, there are a number of questions I would like to raise.
First, I am sceptical
about the key assumptions of autonomist Marxism, emphasising the power of
labour. Of course, the power of capital is often unduly asserted, making
resistance appear meaningless and thus undermining working class efforts. Yet,
to argue that workers are really driving capitalist development overlooks a
number of key structuring conditions, which often limit labour’s agency. As
capitalists have to reproduce themselves through the market in the fight for
market share with other capitalists, they are forced to innovate constantly,
which makes capitalism such a dynamic system. Nevertheless, capitalism is also
crisis prone as more goods are produced than workers are actually able to
consume. Hence this constant pressure of outward expansion in the search for
new markets and cheaper labour. Of course, workers’ agency does play a role in
shaping the form this outward expansion takes, but they never struggle ‘in
conditions of their own choosing’.
Perhaps
autonomist Marxism’s optimism is misleading? Celebrating resistance is
important, but successful struggles need a clear assessment of the overall
balance of forces. Acknowledging the structuring conditions of capitalism does
not have to imply falling into a structuralist trap with action perceived to be
futile (Bieler
and Morton 2018: 36-50).
Second, there is an undue focus on production in my view, overlooking the sphere of social reproduction. At times Burgmann acknowledges how struggles go across both spheres, such as in Chapter 8 where she discusses the protection of the public or in Chapter 9 in her assessment of anti-austerity struggles in Europe. Here she does argue that ‘assessments of labour movement resistance to austerity in Europe broadly agree that the labour movement needs now to be understood as including more informal groups as well as trade unions’ (P.230). At the very end of the book, she however retreats again into a productivist analysis. ‘The red-green sustainability project on which the future of the planet rests might ultimately depend on working-class power at the point of production, on the withdrawal of labour from continuing complicity in capitalism’s environmental irresponsibility’ (P.242). An engagement with feminist Social Reproduction Theory would tell us here that the withdrawal of labour not only in production, but also equally in struggles in the sphere of social reproduction such as health care or the care of the elderly is important in the resistance against capitalist exploitation.
Third, the emphasis on
production also implies that the labour movement is often too narrowly defined
as the agency of trade unions. Burgmann does criticise the role of established
trade unions such as in Greece, but then reverts to the role played by new,
more radical trade unions as the main progressive actors. Other social
movements hardly feature in her assessment. Broader alliances are identified as
important when it comes to the Fight for $15 at McDonald’s in the US (P.45) and
the BlackLivesMatter movement is mentioned in this context (P.49).
Nevertheless, these other groups are not further explored and they are not
regarded as potential leaders of struggles against exploitation. As a result,
experiences of resistance by other types of movement, especially also from the
Global South such as the Landless Workers’ Movement (MST) in Brazil, are not
taken into account.
These
critical points for reflection should not, however, make us overlook the
significant contributions of Burgmann’s volume. The detailed overview of
working class strategies of resistance across different countries and sectors provides
a wealth of empirical information. I may be sceptical about the
autonomist Marxist, production based, workers and trade union focused
perspective, but this does not devalue the overall significance of the book. A
must-read for anyone reflecting on labour’s potential to shape the 21st
century. I highly recommend this book for reading.
Andreas Bieler
Professor of Political Economy
University of Nottingham/UK
University of Nottingham/UK
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