Political
Science often prides itself for its apparent objectivity, with many academics
not understanding that even supposedly objective research always includes a
particular position, a certain normative base. Refreshingly, rather than pretending
to be objective, Gallas provides an important justification for a normative
position to underpin Global Labour Studies, drawing on the notion of ‘qualified
ethical naturalism’ (Vol.1, PP.38-40). Rather than regarding such a normative
foundation as a handicap, the author makes clear that it enhances our empirical
analysis. ‘Being on the side of workers’, Gallas argues, ‘means being for
workers exercising their class power and advancing their interests against
capital, and for workers resisting and challenging capitalist class domination
in the process’ (Vol.1, P.42).
This
normative underpinning, in turn, informs the concept of ‘academic worker’, ‘someone
employed by a university or research institute who is handling knowledge that
is of strategic relevance to workers, who is immersed in labour struggles in
higher education, and who aims to connect those with other labour struggles’ (Vol.1,
P.70). Such an academic is not simply engaged in so-called objective social
science, but actively participates in class struggles within their work
environment. As Gallas reveals, he himself has been an activist in struggles
against casualisation in German Higher Education. He, thus, provides academics,
who regard their work as part of a broader emancipatory project, with a moral
compass of what this means in practice.
Moreover,
Gallas develops a class relational theoretical perspective including a
materialist conceptualisation of the role of the state and anchored in critical
realism at the meta-theoretical level. This allows him in Chapter 5, Vol.1 to focus
on the class antagonism between capital and labour and firmly define class as a
relation. Of course, a common position in the way the social relations of
production are organised is often the starting point for class formation.
Ultimately, however, concrete class formation is the outcome of collective
struggles. In short, ‘the working class is a collective actor-in-emergence’ (Vol.1,
P.147).
Some
class formation as the result of the junior doctors’ dispute and the related
strike action is identified in Britian in Chapter 7, Vol.2. Chapter 8, Vol.2 in
turn investigates the General and Feminist General Strikes in Spain.
Importantly, Gallas extends the notion of strike and class formation into the
sphere of social reproduction. Strikes and the withdrawal of labour power are
combined with broader demonstrations. And strikes are not only labour strikes,
but also care, consumption and education strikes. Thus, Gallas concludes that ‘the
struggles in Spain show how class struggle is being revitalized in the current
conjuncture, and how feminist strikes safely belong in the repertoire of worker
resistance to class domination’ (Vol.2, P.197).
In conclusion, these two
volumes are a highly important theoretical and empirical assessment of strikes in
non-industrial sectors especially in Western Europe. They are a must-read
for everyone who is interested in continuing class formation and resistance to
capitalist exploitation in developed countries today.
Andreas Bieler
20 September 2024
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