Neoliberalism
has faced intense scrutiny over the years from Trade Unionists and Marxists
alike for its exploitation of workers and insistence of an economic ‘trickle
down’ effect that has yet to materialise. When you look closer, however,
another troubling aspect of this industry emerges. Again and again, it seems to
be women who are left behind by this system. In many countries in the global
South, women are drawn into employment in the lowest paid and most undervalued
work in the global economy at the end of Global Commodity Chains in the
manufacturing, fresh produce and garment industries. In this guest post, Zoe Kemp analyses the plight of female
workers in the Bangladeshi textile sector.
This
information alone is extremely troubling, as is the fact that the experiences
of these women are repeatedly ignored and undervalued. Not only this, but these
experiences, once listened to, are crucial in forming a full image of
neoliberal globalisation from the people who are most affected by it. The
‘feminist standpoint’ approach to understanding neoliberal globalisation therefore
acknowledges that we must start from the knowledge of the most unprivileged
social groups in order to uncover the truth, and that this claim tends to be
strongest where these experiences intersect, particularly strong amongst poor
women in the global South, disadvantaged by their gender, geographical
location, class and often their race. Looking at neoliberal globalisation from
the standpoint of these women, therefore, reveals a dark insight into the
extent of neoliberalism’s exploitative tendencies, and the ways in which
neoliberal globalisation is interlinked with gender inequalities (Mohanty 2003: 144).
Super-exploitation
of women in the garment industry
Nowhere
is this more evident than in the garment industry of Bangladesh, an industry
cited by many as demonstrative of the “success” of neoliberalism through its
fast growth and increased employment opportunities for women (Rhee
1990: 333). Today, the garment industry in Bangladesh is enormous,
accounting for 80% of the country’s total exports and employing over three
million people, 85% of which are women (Alam et
al 2011: 2). Initially, it would seem that this is a good thing, especially
considering the number of initiatives in the UK and elsewhere to increase the
number of women in the workplace. And it is true that to an extent, the opportunity
for employment has brought many women in Bangladesh a degree of economic
independence and personal empowerment not otherwise available. Nevertheless,
through actually listening to these women, it soon becomes clear that the
benefits that many women experience through these jobs are being offset by
intense exploitation and the denial of the full fruits of their labour.
Women’s
abilities to negotiate for higher wages is also extremely limited, and most are
paid far below what Bangladeshi trade unionists calculate to be a ‘living
wage’, with the minimum wage in 2010 being the equivalent of a meagre £25 a
month, compared to the £42 living wage advocated by trade unionists (Alam et
al 2011: 4). To add to this, many workers are under immense pressure to
work long hours and frequent overtime, for which they are regularly underpaid,
with one women describing how she and others work until 9 or 10pm most
evenings, and sometimes until 3 or 6 in the morning to meet deadlines, while
still being expected to be back at work by 8am to start the next day’s work (Akhter,
cited in Fairclough 2013). At work, conditions are often substandard, with
factories described as overcrowded, poorly ventilated and with atrocious health
and safety standards, exemplified by the disastrous collapse of the Rana Plaza
building in Dhaka in 2013 which killed over 1,100 of the 5000 mostly female
workers who worked in the garment factories inside. The majority of women workers
have faced some form of violence or harassment at work, with many describing
how this treatment has often come to be used as a tactic against them to
prevent trade union organisation (Hurley
2005: 126). This is enabled by the fact that women are concentrated in the
lowest paid rungs of garment production, while it is men who make up the
majority of the ownership, management and administration roles, and who
therefore continue to benefit at the expense of women workers.
Neo-liberalism
and the super-exploitation of women
From
the global North to the global South, women are still seen as holding a secondary
status in the labour market thanks to the male breadwinner/female homemaker
definition of gender that has tended to dominate traditional gender roles.
Women are therefore almost automatically thought to require less income than
men as well as less stable work, as anything that they earn is regarded as
extra support, especially in patrilineal societies such as Bangladesh, where
women are expected to be economically dependent on men. It is this that is
exploited by multinational employers in their assumption that they can keep
wages low, productivity high and factory conditions poor by employing women
rather than men. Job opportunities for women in countries such as Bangladesh
are often extremely limited. This combined with an often urgent need for income
can force many women to accept work in the garment industry or other
manufacturing sectors in less than acceptable conditions.
Neoliberalism
and the patriarchy are inexplicably linked, with neoliberalism guilty of
incorporating and reinforcing the social inequalities faced by women in their
daily lives in order to further exploit them as a workforce. The cycle becomes
self-fulfilling, perpetuated by neoliberal dimensions, whereby women are
thought of as requiring lower pay than men, global supply chains setting wages
accordingly, and women therefore having no better options than to accept these
conditions. Consequently, neoliberal policies and practices have a considerable,
and harmful, effect on the lives of women in developing countries. Whilst these
inequalities may originate elsewhere, the demand for cheap labour created by
neoliberal globalisation takes advantage of these social dimensions and creates
an environment where these inequalities are not challenged, but are instead
recreated and reinforced in multinational factories (Lim
2003: 227).
So
yes, there are more women in work in the global South thanks to neoliberal
globalisation than before, but at what price? Under neoliberal globalisation,
overall profit is the benchmark for success while the experiences of workers,
particularly women, are considered of lesser importance, and exploitation is consequently
justified so long as it generates economic growth for the men who own the means
of production. Transnational corporations and local producers are able to
maximise their own profits and competitiveness by pushing the costs onto their
female workforces, taking advantage of their vulnerable positions in society
and limiting their ability to challenge exploitation.
We
cannot continue to ignore the voices and experiences of women in the global
South. A neoliberal model that does not sufficiently value the lives and
interests of its most vulnerable groups is not sustainable, despite the
benefits that it may bring to those at the top of the chain. The international
community needs to listen to these women, and make the changes that will help
them, not hurt them.
Zoe Kemp has successfully
completed her BA in Politics in the School of Politics and International
Relations at the University of Nottingham in June 2016. Her dissertation on The True Nature of Neoliberal
Globalisation: An Assessment of the Experiences of Women in the Garment
Industry in Bangladesh from a Feminist Standpoint was awarded a first class mark. Moreover, she received the Tomlinson 2015-16 BA dissertation prize for the best dissertation written on Asia.
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