Globalisation and the increasing power of transnational corporations
Production has become increasingly transnationalised since the 1970s. As a result of an abundance of low-wage labour open to international investment from transnational corporations (TNCs), networks of low-cost suppliers have emerged in East Asia, allowing the production of manufactured goods to be organised across traditional state boundaries. These structures, known as global commodity chains (GCC), are facilitated and controlled by TNCs. They form the basis for global capitalism and play an increasingly important role in the global economy.
Production has become increasingly transnationalised since the 1970s. As a result of an abundance of low-wage labour open to international investment from transnational corporations (TNCs), networks of low-cost suppliers have emerged in East Asia, allowing the production of manufactured goods to be organised across traditional state boundaries. These structures, known as global commodity chains (GCC), are facilitated and controlled by TNCs. They form the basis for global capitalism and play an increasingly important role in the global economy.
This newfound
power of TNCs has granted them greater control of their workforce, which has
led to the emergence of exploitative methods of labour control. Large retailers
such as Nike were heavily criticised throughout the 1990s for their use of
sweatshop labour in China and Vietnam. However, the plight of workers in
developed countries has received relatively little attention. More recently, there
is mounting evidence to suggest that the exploitation of workers by TNCs
reaches beyond the sweatshops of East Asia. Therefore, in this post I aim to
cast light on the experiences of workers in both the Global North and South,
suggesting that there are parallels to be drawn between these two diverse sets
of workers. Wal-Mart, as the world's biggest business by revenue and the 'poster child of
neoliberal globalisation', will be the primary focus.
Wal-Mart
in the Global North: The United States.
Beginning as a
small-town store in Arkansas in 1962, Wal-Mart
now sells more than the next three biggest global retailers combined. With
an unrivalled market presence, over 90% of Americans live within 15 miles of a
Wal-Mart store. The secret to its unparalleled success lies in its 'everyday
low prices' model; indeed, it offers prices on average 14% lower
than its direct competitors. Yet shoppers are only just beginning to
realise that the $12 price tag on a pair of jeans has dire consequences for the
1.4 million Americans working for the company. One of these repercussions is
low wages; the
average employee, earning $8 per hour, receives 31% less than other grocery and
retail chain workers.
Photo by Mike Kalasnik |
Wal-Mart also
fails to provide adequate in-work benefits, such as healthcare. Workers who do
receive medical assistance face huge premiums
of up to 20% of their annual income; other part-time employees are excluded
from the programme altogether. In fact, the company has been criticised for
deliberately denying full-time status to many workers in order to reduce its
labour costs. Consequently, many Wal-Mart employees are dependent on public
programmes - in effect, Wal-Mart has displaced many of its labour costs onto
the taxpayer, a bill totalling $1,557,000,000 every year.
Photo by Brave New Films |
Most shockingly,
any attempts by employees to organise against this exploitation are quashed
immediately by the company. Wal-Mart's preventative
anti-union efforts include propaganda material used in staff training, a
24/7 anti-union hotline, and a $7,000,000 rapid response team. Even in cases
where workers have been successful in securing a union election, Wal-Mart has
taken sweeping and extreme action in response. In Jacksonville, Texas, Wal-Mart
responded to a vote by butchers to join the United Food and Commercial Workers
union by eliminating
meat-cutting operations from 180 stores in favour of pre-packaged meat. It
is evident that Wal-Mart, rather cunningly, creates and reproduces the
conditions necessary for 'everyday low prices', by increasing the number of
American consumers who simply cannot afford to shop elsewhere.
Photo by OURWalmart |
Wal-Mart
in the Global South: China.
Wal-Mart entered
the Chinese market in 1996, opening its first retail outlet in Shenzhen, one of
the main designated export-processing zones in China. This global expansion has
had a significant impact on its network of suppliers across East Asia. In an
age of intensified global competition among contractors for the orders of
big-box retailers, firms supplying to Wal-Mart have scrambled to cut costs in
order to meet the 'everyday low prices' mandate. This has sparked a 'race to
the bottom', where suppliers strive to create the lowest-cost conditions. As a
result, the millions of employees indirectly employed by the company are
exploited in similar ways to domestic workers in the U.S., as cost-cutting is
displaced onto workers. Wages are extremely poor; even though the local minimum
wage in Shenzhen is much lower than the U.S. federal minimum wage - $1.85
compared to $7.25 - many Wal-Mart suppliers violate these laws in an
attempt to lower their costs even further.
Photo by Reibai |
Like their
American colleagues, Chinese employees can do little to resist this
exploitation. Areas like Shenzhen are staffed largely with migrant labour, who
are denied official worker status under Chinese law. Wal-Mart contractors are
able to exploit these loopholes and disregard such laws aimed to protect
workers. Despite concessions by Wal-Mart to the All China Federation of Trade
Unions in 2004, which allowed its Chinese workers to affiliate with the union,
many Wal-Mart
subsidiaries control 'yellow unions', a term used in Asia to describe
organisations which are undemocratically elected and controlled by employers.
As a result, workers have little bargaining power and cannot instigate
independent unionising efforts.
What
next for Wal-Mart workers?
However, despite
these shocking realities faced by Wal-Mart employees around the world, there
are grounds for optimism. There has been a new wave of successful
resistance against Wal-Mart, with small-scale strikes in October 2012, and
protests in all but four U.S. states on Black Friday in November. A week-long
strike by workers in Massachusetts and California followed in 2013, the
first ever successful prolonged strike against Wal-Mart. In China, resistance
is emerging at the local level, with the establishment of the independent 'Wal-Mart
China Staff Association' to pressure the ACFTU to allow democratic elections
of union representatives.
Transnational
solidarity among employees is also beginning to emerge, thanks to efforts
by the UNI Global Union to coordinate and connect Wal-Mart workers across
both hemispheres. Although these movements are in their early stages, it is
clear that workers' consciousness of the importance of fair representation, and
the belief that they can act in ways which will impact their employer, are
emerging. It is thus likely that these movements will continue to gather
momentum, a long-awaited triumph for Wal-Mart workers worldwide.
Photo by UFCW International Union |
Louise
Elliot
has successfully completed her BA in Politics in the School of Politics and
International Relations at the University of Nottingham/UK in June 2016. Her
dissertation on Neoliberal Globalization and the Exploitation of Labour: A Study of Wal-Mart was awarded a first class mark.
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